asagidaki haber bugunku NYT den

sadece bir paragrafina dikkatinizi cekmek isterim:
Mistura gene kurdleri referandumsuz bir cozume zorlamakta.
bu ne anlama geliyor
1-refandumun sonucunun ne olacagini kestirdigi anlamina geliyor
2-refandumla Kirkuk un kurdlerin kontrolune girecegi kesine yakin anlamina geliyor

o halde
referandumsuz cozumle kasdedilen en buyuk compromise kurdlerden beklenmekte. yani adina uzlamsa denilen noktaya en fazla taviz vererek yaklasan gene kurdler olacak.
tarihe bakinca
kurdlerin ortadoguda hic bir sey istemeden uzlasiveren bir millet halinde seyir edisi asikardir.
bugune bakinca gene buna dair izlenim cikiyor ortaya (bkz PKK nin binlerce kurd gencini olumu-onca enerji pahasina istedigi talepler ve esrik baglilik gosterdigi liderlerinin abuk subuk demecleri vs- ek olarak talabani nin
saga sola buyuk diplomasi olarak sunulan bozbogaz demecleri vs)
geride bir tek mesud barnazi kaliyor ki
onun da KDP koylulugunun kisa vadeli cikarlarini gormekten oteyi goremeyen
koylu kulturune karsi ne yapip yapamayacagi pek belli degil. koyluler simdi bana kizacak-oysa bu yazdiklarim hakaret degil durum tahlilidir koylu chip uretmez-elektronikten-kokteyl partilerinin kurnaz muhabetinden-kentlerin yaratigi cetrefilli kulturden elbette anlamaz- bunlar biri otekinden daha guzel ahlakli seyler degil. bu yazdiklarim kentlilerin koylulerden daha ustun daha zeki oldugunu soyleyen seyler degil-ancak icinde yasanan surecin dilini kodlarini koylulukle anlamak mumkun degil.

The economsit gecenlerde kerkukl le baglantili yazisini soyle bitiriyordu:
kurd liderler kendi kamuoylarina her ne kadar farkli mesajlar verseler de
kapali kapilar ardindan Mistura nin cozum onerilerine yakin durduklarini hissetiriyorlar.

bu tahlil dogru mudur?
bilemeyiz
bu kapali kapilar ardindan baska
bize karsi baska lider kulturu karsimizda duruyor
sadece lider kulturu mu
acik toplum kurmak bati dunyasi icin bile epey zor iken
(buyuk bir merhale katetikleri ancak yolun sonuna henuz gelmedikleri de hatirlatilarak)
biz kurdlerin caik bir toplum dinamigi beklentisi elbette hulya.
bakin WP bile acik toplum yaratmak icin mukemmel bir imkan olan interneti nasil kapali kapilar kulturune kanalize ediyor
(daha somut ornek vermiyeyeim-kisleri dillerine takmayi seven kurd toplumu
kekruk konusundan sapip kislerle bogusma isine girer)

son olarak rahmetli peder den bir alinti ile bitirecegim
lakirdi elbette ona ait degil
ama bu lafin sadik tasiyicisi idi
-her millet eninde sonunda hakketigi bicimde yasar!

kurdistan cocuklarina temel sorum sudur
neyi hakkediyoruz?
gokten ve yerden en guzel seyleri mi
yoksa
kivami kalitesi bizlerce acik ve yeterli bicimde test edilmeyen
liderlerce koyun biciminde ucuncu sinif yaratiklar olarak
bu dunyada ehh iste yasamayi mi?

sorunun cevabi icin yapilan tartisma
elbette kurd toplumunu bir kidim da olsa acik topluma,
liderleri tarafindan koyun surusu gibi manuple edilmeyen bir topluma evirecektir.
yoksa burda nicin habire yazip duralim?
kerkuk bahane asil hedef en kaliteli yasami kendimize layik gormektir
hedefimiz ambitionumuz bundan asagiya cekilmesin
kaliteli yasam da toz toprakdan ibaret kuru ulke parcalari ile degil
petrolle gelir
suyla gelir.
bunlarin uc bucuk kisa donemli faydalar icin birakanlar
kendilerini butun cekirdek ailelerine yetecek bir varsilikta tutsalar bile
toplumu surekli berbat bir esikte kalmasina yol acacaktir.
bu kadar kotu bir kuskuyu hakediyorlar mi?
evet tum liderler en kotu kuskulari her zaman hakkediyor
liderlik bunnalrla yasamak demektir.

herkese hurmetler

HeK

BAGHDAD — The United Nations said Wednesday it would present a list of proposals to resolve the conflict over the oil-rich city of Kirkuk and other disputed regions in northern Iraq.

Staffan de Mistura, the United Nation's special representative for Iraq, said that its assistance mission for Iraq would present proposals by the end of October. The objective, he said, was “a grand deal“ among the Sunni Arabs, Shiite Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, Yazidis, and other groups now passionately pressing their claims in the area.

The proposals will reflect months of research by a diverse team of 15 lawyers, negotiators, academics, diplomats and historians, some with experience in Bosnia, Israel and the Palestinian territories. They will center on Kirkuk, “the hottest issue in Iraq these days,“ Mr. de Mistura said.

Mr. de Mistura and other United Nations officials refused to say whether the recommendations would involve shifting populations from one place to another or redrawing provincial and regional boundaries, because the disputes have aroused too many passions among the competing ethnic and sectarian groups.

Who controls Kirkuk is likely to prove most difficult to resolve. A referendum to decide that question missed a constitutionally mandated deadline last Dec. 31, and there appears to be little immediate prospect of holding such a vote. Indeed, the disputing parties in Kirkuk have failed even to complete the preliminary stages of stabilizing the area and counting those eligible to vote.

One possibility, Mr. de Mistura said, is that instead of relying on a referendum to decide the city's future, all the parties might reach a political compromise that would then be “confirmed“ in a referendum of the respective groups of people.

“Our aim is to come up with options which, if all Iraqi parties work effectively on them, could provide a peaceful, political, long-lasting solution which eventually one day, not necessarily now, may be confirmed or sanctioned through a confirmatory referendum,“ Mr. de Mistura said. “But we need a deal first, based on our options or any reasonable options that they may come up with.“

As an initial step in June, the United Nations mission presented a report to Iraq's Presidency Council on four areas: Akra, Hamdaniya, Mahmour and Mandali. These are regarded as among the least vexing of more than a dozen disputed regions in the north. (Others include Tal Afar, Sinjar, Khanaqin and Kifri.) Peter Bartu, a senior political adviser to Mr. de Mistura, said, however, that “there have been no easy places.“

Mr. Bartu said his team had searched Iraqi archives to ascertain the history of each area, examining hundreds of administrative decrees by successive Iraqi governments since 1932.

Meanwhile Prime Minister Fouad Siniora of Lebanon arrived in Baghdad on Wednesday, in the footsteps of King Abdullah II of Jordan, who earlier this month became the first Arab leader to visit Iraq since the American-led 2003 invasion.

Mr. Siniora appeared with Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki at a news conference about an agreement to export oil to Lebanon. Iraqi oil was also prominent on King Abdullah's agenda.